When the working class is attacked in the streets, bourgeois democracy becomes uncovered. Underneath the glamorous clothing of bourgeois morality and ethics the ugliness of bourgeois society is revealed. The more heinous the attack the bigger the stench it produces; and the potential level of social decomposition has no limits with the memories of mountains of human flesh standing as a testament to the unlimited inhumanity bourgeois civilization and culture offers as a response to those that wish to dream of a world without them.
While the recent political assassination in Athens by the fascists is not the culmination of a revolutionary development in Greece, it is nevertheless the reminder that the infected by rabies political dog, that is the fascist group Golden Dawn, is more than present; it is eager to taste new flesh; test society and the working class, eager to transform politically from an anti-immigrant, racist hate group, to its true historical role. They have been historically and wish to be, once again, the reserve army of capital. Once again to pray and feed on the fear of the middle class that is filled with at times of capitalist crisis, when anxious of losing its precious economic and political status it has been enjoying, in the service of its bourgeois masters; and more than anything been terrified of their imminent proletarization and the collapse of the illusion that is bourgeois democracy. As a class, the middle class loathes both the working class and the bourgeoisie with equal ferocity; yet its survival and destiny is ultimately attached to the survival and destiny of the bourgeoisie, their social structures and class based society. Because of this they will defend ferociously the preservation of the bourgeois state and class dominance of its masters. Prepared to employ any means possible the middle class will raise an army of reaction, and when the time is right with utter inhumanity will direct that army of fear and despair against any potential development of a mass working class movement conscious of the need to revolt against class existence.
Like all parties active in bourgeois politics the fascist as well operate in accordance to where their strength lays. Ideologically opposed to any form of democracy, their true strength is their ability to establish a presence of violence and terror in the streets. But while in the past their main focus was to attack minorities and pray on the weakest and most unprotected sections of the working class, the time had now come to send what they would consider a true political message to the whole of Greek society. A political assassination establishes a no return choice to every supporter of a group employing such measures. And while Golden Dawn will inevitably suffer electoral loses and general support, what support will remain, will do so by endorsing fully the political message. Out of this Golden Dawn will emerge strengthened and ideologically cleansed. Out of the new nucleus the fascists will be able when the time comes, to politically present themselves on the aftermath of the execution and as the political evolution of that action rather than its condemnation. It will not be a sentiment of having gone too far but rather a statement of ‘this is who we are and what we do’. It is an action that took place not as a result of fascist tactics, but as the direct fulfillment of their unconscious need and urge to present themselves for what they truly are and stand for.
Bourgeois society is as susceptible to fascism today as it has been in the past, since it retains the same class contradictions and exists on their basis. Support for the fascists appears at the time that bourgeois law, state and in general bourgeois democracy becomes degraded by the very same economic system these institutions of capital have been developed to preserve and protect; and thus becoming unable to sustain the economic interests of the middle class, breaking as a consequence its ideological beliefs. The development of fascism as a mass movement is precisely a vulgar attempt by the middle class to act as a class consciously and in a conscious revolutionary manner. Yet its inability to perform such acts lays in the deep characteristics of individualism and self-centrism that engulfs its ranks; able only to exhibit the most profound anti-social acts, ready to stop at nothing in order to satisfy its deep social insecurities, revealing its political and social distinct lack of culture. It is precisely for the opposite reasons which characterise the working class that Marxism has a firm understanding that any revolutionary development towards a more democratic and classless society can only come from the working class; being the only class that out of its daily needs has developed an outward, social perspective, able to produce social political and economic culture.
In Greece the state and bourgeois law operates with might using an iron fist against the working class in order to protect the interests of the domestic and European bourgeoisie. In the process the bourgeoisie is incapable to protect the interests of some sections of the middle class, who themselves are required to be sacrificed, with these sections in return electing the path of fascism. The greater the social and economic collapse, the more the need by different sections of the middle class to enlist fascism, inevitably dragging along unorganized and detached politically, sections of the working class. The greater the inability of the working class to acquire class and revolutionary consciousness in order to revolutionary break from petty bourgeois reformism, and unite under its revolutionary program all sections of the working class, as well as the middle class, the more profound will be the working class’ abandonment of its own organizations, becoming disillusioned and vulnerable to fascist ideology. Left reformism by continuously arguing in favor of the existence of bourgeois law, state and capitalist economics simply pose the need of sacrifices in different terms rather than establishing an alternative to them; at the same time inevitably accepting them as a necessity rendering themselves politically incapacitated into a position of pure parliamentarism detached from the working class and social reality, restrained within the confounds of bourgeois democracy unable to establish a mass movement behind their program; consequently pushing the working class to follow the middle class into whatever ideological ventures suits its interests; thus establishing the basis for the future strengthening, at a time of slight economic normalisation, of right wing social democracy. And once again as has been many times the case in this period the left reformists of Syriza lay through their ideology the political foundations for the restoration of right wing social democracy both within their own organizational structures as well as in the form of PASOK or any other future organizational manifestation of such political identity. Such restorations stand in time, as an inevitable petty bourgeois political evolution of the effort to conceal the existence of a class war, both ideologically and economically. It is an evolution that has seen traditional social democratic parties to aggressively shed over a period of twenty five years every working class element possible, both organisationally and politically, culminating to a point where for the first time in working class history since the establishment of the second international in 1889, a capitalist crisis has coincided with the complete lack of a mass presence of the working class in mainstream bourgeois politics.
The presence of fascism today takes place with a distinct difference from when it first emerged in the 20s and 30s. This time the bourgeoisie having developed a more than ever international character and culture, seek to enforce to individual states and domestic bourgeoisie the political and economic mentality of global capitalist interdependence. Unlike the situation Germany faced in the late 20s where along with the collapse of bourgeois democracy came the collapse of capitalism helped by the aggressive protectionist attitudes of the more economically sound bourgeois states at the time, today, while bourgeois democracy In particular in the European south has significantly been delegitimised, the weight and strength of global capital has not. It has in fact become ever more strengthened by directing an international onslaught for its preservation placing individual states into roles, in accordance to what international capital requires them to do; and while through that it consequently devalues its own institutions of so called democracy and justice it nevertheless demonstrates its utter and complete international economic and political dominance. It is for the first time in history that international institutions cast such an immense shadow on state bourgeois institutions. And it is perhaps, unprecedented, that global capital, finds itself at the peak of its power amidst a global financial crisis.
With international political and economic support the Greek bourgeois sought from the beginning to use the emergence of fascism into the political scenery, as a means to strengthen their political presence. They did so by proclaiming and promoting the idea of the two ‘extremes’; the fascists on the one side of the political spectrum of bourgeois democracy and all socialist and communist elements on the other; In doing so placing themselves and bourgeois democracy as the only solution to fascist terror, and in a more inconspicuous manner establishing the idea within society that the existence of the far right balances the potential development of revolutionary socialism. Historically the parties of social democracy, left reformism as well as the communist parties, hold a record of failure in providing the political gravitational pull that can unite the working class and sections of the middle class against capitalist social and economic deterioration and against the advances of fascism. With no exception the Greek communist party and Syriza have continued the tradition in ample fashion. In the case of the former, their tactics of ultimatism and political isolationism have made sure that the Greek communist party remains to the outskirts of the Greek political universe, simple spectators and commentators to the unfolding events. In the case of the latter, Syriza’s leadership following in the footsteps of the Italian reformists in the 20s and the German social democrats in the 30s, have taken the path of trying to convince the bourgeoisie that, they are in fact not to be considered part of any extreme; at a time when the working class requires precisely a revolutionary answer to the problems it is facing the newly formed petty bourgeois alliance opts to, by defending their place in bourgeois democracy, to step aside from the ongoing events, thus disassociating themselves with the actual organization of political as well as structural defense of the working class against fascism and in effect against bourgeois policies, since, such a move, would precisely fall under the category of the extreme. And so by continuously trying to convince the bourgeoisie of their place in bourgeois democracy and capitalist society by not presenting themselves as the promoters of class antagonism but of class collaboration, left reformism stands not as the means for the abolition of bourgeois law but as the firm believer that it can implement it better than the bourgeois parliamentary representatives. In this childish attempt to gain respect and acknowledgement by the political system it will go to lengths in advocating for the firmer execution of bourgeois law unavoidably falling into the trap of allowing the bourgeoisie to acquire even harsher laws and measures against any future spontaneous movements of the working class. And since Syriza is unable to acquire the policies and political character of a historically embarrassed PASOK it stands vague and empty, a shadow of a reformist past; unable to assume the character of a political and social gravitational centre, it inevitably becomes the centre of political repulsion and dispersion of the working class.
In the aftermath of the assassination the response of the local community lacked nothing in historical brilliance. The next few days, the community under the leadership of the working class, itself organised in local trade union branches moved into the streets forcing the fascist to cancel public events they had organised and eventually out of the community. The state machinery initially and instinctively moved to counteract this spontaneous act of class consciousness; the community after the fascist attack the previous night was now been attacked by the police once again providing perfectly an exhibition of total cooperation between fascism and bourgeois state machinery. The example was set; and despite the great efforts of the government and the media, communities across Greece were emulating the example, always under the leadership of the locally organised workers. For the first time the working class found itself operating instinctively outside the normal organizational boundaries of petty bourgeois political alliances as well as away from the reach and influence of their trade union bureaucracies; gifting to the world as many time has happened in small parts of world history a glimpse of revolutionary reality and potential. Away from everything that separates them, the workers used their organizations locally to unite themselves and provide leadership and protection to their communities, demonstrating greatly the social character that is imbedded within their class. The role of revolutionary politics is to amplify such spontaneous actions and provide the means through which the working class can revert to them consciously and in concrete manner. It was a call for the establishment of local workers councils, organs able to become the political gravitational center across communities in Greece. From their part the leaderships of Syriza, the Greek communist party and the trade union bureaucracies attempted to hijack the movement and place it under the control of their own organizations by organizing national demonstrations and hence trying to move the momentum away from the hands of the communities, once again however, merely assisting for the eventual defusing of the movement and its surrendering to the hands of the bourgeoisie. Indeed out of fear that the assassination could become the glue that can piece together detached sections of society under the leadership of the working class with the eventuality of a movement solidifying, it was time to put the dog back on a leash; swiftly changing its stance and jumping on the band wagon of democracy and social order already set by the reformists, the government proceeded in taking a firm position against Golden Dawn and, in the name of democracy and social order, moved to launch a series of crack downs and arrests against the fascist party, using every undemocratic means possible provided by the state machinery. And so, in the darkest hour of Greek bourgeois democracy, the ruling class was once again allowed to arise triumphant as the class of justice and order, sending at the same time a warning towards the working class of the lengths the bourgeoisie is prepared to go to preserve its social and economic dominion, and as is the case many times, acting, under the moronic and silent gasp of the so called working class leaders.
In the midst of police investigations and arrests a Golden Dawn member of parliament stated that ‘The people will glorify the cause of the Golden Dawn, under that or some future name’. As was the case in a previous piece posted in this blog, it is compelling to once again state ‘Alas the scum is right’. Not in the paranoid illusions he holds of a glorified future fascist movement, but on the sentiment that this is far from the end. The bourgeoisie will seek to once again absorb the fascist voters and supporters into the ranks of the ruling party New Democracy, trying to establish one big right wing patriotic political formation, until that is, the time comes when the leash will tear away once again, and unleash fascism with menace. The Greek working class following its traditions and instincts, during the most critical moments, showed the path and the means not just to defend against fascist attacks, but the means of achieving class unification and consciousness, placing the task of establishing workers councils not in some distant revolutionary tomorrow but on the order of the day.